Brian Lee Crowley

Getting real about China, on NAFTA, national security and trade diversification

I have a bit of a bee in my bonnet these days about China, as any sensible person should. Everyone seems fixated on Donald Trump bullying Canada (and that is a reasonable concern) but the number of people who hold up China as some kind of alternative is truly staggering. If you want real, subtle, long-term bullying in unapologetic pursuit of national interests, you cannot do better than China. Add to that that China is an authoritarian, autocratic and repressive country without even a nodding acquaintance with the rule of law and a hostile relationship with the western alliance, etc., etc., etc., and China gets less appealing every day as a partner for Canada. Here are three recent op-eds in which I develop these various themes:

In the 30 May 2018 edition of the Globe, I took aim at China for its clear threats to Canadians’ national security. The context was Ottawa’s rather unexpected but welcome decision to veto the takeover of Canadian construction giant Aecon by a Chinese firm. As I pointed out, if this means that Ottawa is going to take national security threats from China more seriously (including their to-date insouciance about Huawei’s deep involvement in building Canada’s next generation 5G wireless network) that is very good news indeed and not before time.

Then came the G7 Summit. The G7 seems to me a little adrift these days, an organisation in search of a mission that would unite the disparate interests of Japan, North America and the largest European economies. My suggestion in an 8 July piece in Inside Policy: they should all agree to unite and reinforce their current disparate efforts to confront China’s disgraceful behaviour in the South China Sea that is an affront to the rule of law and freedom of navigation. There is also a video version of this piece.

Finally, Ottawa has been ramping up its focus on “trade diversification” as a kind of defensive card to play in its NAFTA negotiations with Washington. But of all the daft ideas, the one that China can replace or even partially compensate for our trade relationship with the US is surely the daftest. Read my op-ed, co-authored with Sean Speer, in the Globe of 20 July 2018 about why China is no trade saviour for Canada.

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Minimum wages and carbon taxes

At first blush you might think that the minimum wage and carbon taxes have nothing to do with one another. You’d be quite wrong however. That’s because the logic of carbon taxes is premised on the impeccable economic notion that the price of things affects people’s behaviour. Indeed that is the *purpose* of prices: they give people valuable information about the social cost of the things they want to buy and how great the competition is from others who also want those same resources. When prices rise, people tend to economise (i.e. buy less). That’s why Kathleen Wynne is a fan of carbon pricing: it will cause people to buy and use less carbon by harnessing the power of prices.

But why is the premier so unwilling to acknowledge that the same impeccable economic logic applies to wages (which are the price of labour) too? She steadfastly refuses to admit that pushing the minimum wage up to a hefty $15/hr won’t affect employment. As my professor at the LSE used to say, “Bollocks.” I lay out the case in an op-ed published on iPolitics on 9th June 2017. You can read the unedited text below or find it on-line here.

 

At first blush you might think that carbon pricing and minimum wages have nothing to do with each other.

You’d be wrong.

Putting a price on carbon is a strategy inspired by the economic way of thinking. The argument is that carbon spewed into the atmosphere creates costs for everyone else, so the people burning the carbon should in effect have to pay to clean up the damage. Even more importantly the thinking is that the price of carbon, being too low, encourages people to use more carbon than they would do if they were paying its full cost (including cleaning up the environmental damage).

In fact one of the key arguments for carbon pricing is that raising the cost of carbon will make previously uncompetitive energy sources like solar and wind more price competitive as people respond to higher carbon prices by trying to substitute newly cheaper alternatives. That’s what such incentives are for: they reward entrepreneurs and innovators who come up with clever ways to do things in a more economical way than before.

Clearly Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne believes in the power of carbon pricing. She is collaborating with other jurisdictions on a so-called “cap and trade” system that will use market mechanisms to generate a higher price for carbon to achieve exactly the effects I’ve listed above. She believes that higher carbon prices will reduce fossil fuel use and reward the use of alternatives.

Ergo she must believe in the power of prices to alter human behaviour, just as she must believe in one of the most fundamental propositions of economics, that if you raise the price of something, people will buy less of it. In fact I would make the case that the most powerful thing prices do is to send signals to buyers and sellers about the state of supply and demand.

If the price of something (fuel, clothes, data services) rises, the market is signalling that we should try and reduce our use of those commodities because there wasn’t enough to go around at the previous price. On the other hand, falling prices encourage us to buy more. That’s why prices play a powerful co-ordinating role in human activity because we respond intelligently to the information they are signalling to us.

Here is the problem. If she believes in all these things, as she says she does, she cannot simultaneously believe, as she says she does, that putting up the minimum wage by 30 percent won’t harm those people who work at the minimum wage.

Wages are just the name we give to the price of labour. And anyone who understands the power of prices to affect human behaviour knows that putting up the price of workers at the bottom end of the wage scale will have certain foreseeable consequences.

They are exactly the consequences predicted for putting up the price of carbon.

Seeing that it will be more expensive to hire low wage workers, employers will see a signal that they should reduce their reliance on such workers, especially ones whose productivity will not compensate employers for the wage they must now pay. That means the effects will fall most heavily on the weakest workers, such as those with some kind of productivity-lowering disability or young people with no job experience or new immigrants with weak language skills.

Then there’s that pesky substitution effect. Just as carbon pricing creates incentives for innovators to come up with substitutes for carbon, a higher minimum wage gives incentives to those same innovators to find substitutes for low-wage labour. Previous minimum wage increases have already hastened this process, which is why those low wage jobs that used to be so plentiful have been automated out of existence.

When was the last time you dealt with a parking lot attendant or a car washer, let alone an elevator operator? Soon fast food, which provided a lot of entry-level employment, will be equally heavily automated.

It is these predictable economic effects, falling hardest on those with the fewest employment prospects, that led not one but two Ontario government expert panels to recommend against increasing the minimum wage. The authors of these reports were presumably unimpressed by the arguments of the minimum wage hikers that somehow, magically, people won’t react to putting up the cost of labour in exactly the way the same governments expect them to react to putting up the price of carbon. The Canadian data even put a number on it. For every ten percent the minimum wage increases, teenage unemployment will rise three to six percent.

Premier Wynne can either believe in the power of raising carbon prices or she can think rising minimum wages won’t cut employment. She cannot, however, believe both at once.

 

 

 

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Don’t look at unemployment, but rather employment to understand Donald Trump

In what turned out, alas, to be my last regular column for the Globe’s ROB, I point out that unemployment statistics hide more than they reveal. What tell us a lot more are the data for the shae of the population in paid work or looking for work, know as the labour force participation rate. Focusing on this number tells you lots about politics, the state of the economy, and even some of the roots of Donald Trump’s presidential victory. You can read the unedited text below or online here.

 

What do we know about the people who Donald Trump turned into such a potent political force in the last election?  US unemployment is well below five percent; surely there was no objective basis for the economic insecurities that drove the “basket of deplorables” to vote for the Republican candidate.

Consider, though, that one of the best places to seek insight is not the unemployment rate, but the “labour-force participation” or LFP. The LFP shows the share of working age people who have jobs or are actively seeking jobs in the US. In other words it is also a pretty good measure of how many people have left the workforce because they are discouraged and feel there are no opportunities for them. What do we know about them?

Trump’s election coincides with the US LFP rate hitting its lowest level in more than 30 years. The state-by-state figures  provide even more insight into Donald Trump’s political resonance.

Nine out of 10 states with the lowest LFP rates voted for him. Of the five states that went from Blue to Red in 2016, three – Florida, Michigan and Ohio – experienced a drop in their participation rate relative to 2012, meaning a smaller share of people worked and were looking for work compared to four years earlier. The other two states had no increase in the share of people working despite several years of modest economic growth.

By contrast, the years of Bill Clinton’s presidency coincided with a high LFP rate, a time when workers were prepared to give Bill “I feel your pain” Clinton the benefit of the doubt about how trade would improve Americans’ standard of living and those harmed would not be left behind. No more. That good will is gone.

New research from the centre-right American Enterprise Institute think tank shows that millions of American men are jobless and have given up looking. The share of men 20 and older without paid work is nearly 32 percent. That bears repeating: basically a third of all men in America who are over 20 have no paid employment. Two economists at the centre-left Brookings Institution have now added that the LFP rate of prime-age women has stagnated and also declined. People collecting disability benefit has increased markedly.

This doesn’t just affect their job prospects. Other research, including by a Nobel laureate, shows that the life expectancy and health of these displaced and discouraged workers has gone into a tailspin thanks largely to illnesses related to drug and alcohol abuse and other “lifestyle” factors. As one analyst said, these people are dying of despair, with over half a million needless deaths being attributed to bleak job prospects.

So looking solely at the unemployment rate causes us to lose sight entirely of a major part of the population. This segment is not just constituted of men–and now increasingly women–left behind by economic change. It also includes their parents, friends, and colleagues, who see these people they care about left on the shelf and are angered that opportunities for them seem so few and far between. This starts to be a significant part of the population—and the electorate.

It is no answer to say that these people have misdiagnosed their plight when they follow Trump in seeing trade and immigration as the cause of their problems. Yes, the problem is far more down to automation and other productivity-enhancements, meaning that manufacturing requires fewer and fewer poorly-educated, relatively low-skilled workers. Yes, Trump is wrong when he says that America doesn’t make things anymore and needs to return to this economic vocation. The truth is that America has never made more things than it does today. It just doesn’t require many workers to do so.

But the fact that the diagnosis is incorrect misses the key point about Trump’s voters – they vote for him chiefly because they feel he is the only political leader who doesn’t simply dismiss their fears and anxieties as misguided and ill-informed and doesn’t tell them condescendingly that their problems will disappear if only they get a university degree or if the government institutes a guaranteed annual income and basically writes them off as contributing members of society.

A pervasive feeling has taken hold in many parts of American society that ordinary people are being made to pay the price of the ideals of the elites. Free trade is one such ideal, one in which I happen to believe, but also one whose highly-concentrated destructive effects are undeniable and frequently easier to identify than its widely-dispersed benefits. That is why free trade can only be sustained when the winners use the extra wealth created to compensate the losers – something we, like the Americans, have done poorly and unimaginatively.

Brian Lee Crowley (twitter.com/brianleecrowley) is the Managing Director of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, an independent non-partisan public policy think tank in Ottawa: www.macdonaldlaurier.ca.

 

 

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Water, water all around — unless you’re landlocked like Alberta

Being landlocked is a bad place to be generally speaking on the international stage. Coastal states are guaranteed freedom of the seas, but landlocked states may not be able to reach the seas and their commercial bounty without having to bribe neighbouring coastal states. Ottawa was created in 1867 to prevent such extortionary behaviour by Canadian provinces. So what gives when BC is yet again threatening to close off Alberta’s access to tidewater? My views on the issue were laid out in my 12th May column for the Globe and Mail’s ROB. You can read the unedited text below or here online.

Geography distributes its bounty capriciously and the results can be extremely painful for those who end up penalised by their place on the map.  The outcome of the recent BC election may be about the deliver an object lesson in this principle to this country’s only two landlocked provinces: Alberta and Saskatchewan.

Internationally, being landlocked is a very uncomfortable place to be. Unless you are a Botswana exporting diamonds (small, light and high value products that can be shipped by, say, plane) you likely need to put your exports on a ship to get them to world markets, thereby realising their highest value.

Because ocean shipping is so vital to economic success, the world’s nations agree that ships engaged in bona fide commerce will not be obstructed. Nations can’t target the shipping of other countries and demand ransom to let it reach its destination. That’s piracy.

The main exception is when military or diplomatic conflict causes countries to throw up embargoes against offending countries’ goods, or to prevent them from receiving shipments of things like arms or nuclear materials. Such exceptions are exceedingly rare when seen against the volume of ocean-borne trade.

But landlocked states face a completely different obstacle: their goods must cross another country’s territory to get to port. International law is of little help, and the 45 such landlocked states must negotiate access with neighbours who may have conflicting economic interests, historical enmities or simply little interest in helping.

What the neighbours universally have, however, is the whip hand in the negotiations. They tend to use that to extort benefits far in excess of the actual economic value of the infrastructure and services needed to get their landlocked brethren’s goods to port. And having to get their products through a “transit country” makes companies reluctant to invest in the landlocked. It injects a level of political risk that is difficult and costly to manage.

Landlocked countries thus tend to be poorer than their economic fundamentals justify. All because of accidents of geography and the political leverage they create.

Before 1867, the various colonies that were to become Canada suffered from the ability of each to impose tariffs on the products of the other as they crossed their territory. A key benefit of Confederation was explicitly to tear down these barriers, turning Nova Scotian or Quebec products into Canadian products that could move freely across the national territory, including to ports for export to world markets.

But as we’re discovering, the thirst of transit provinces for bounty to allow neighbouring provinces to move their products has never gone away.

Our only Pacific province has lately been the most egregious offender, preying on the vulnerability of landlocked Alberta and Saskatchewan in their efforts to get their resources to world markets.

Take the Kinder-Morgan pipeline, intended to bring Alberta petroleum to Asia via the port of Vancouver. Before the just-concluded BC election, the Liberal premier, Christy Clarke, had already shaken down the pipeline company for $1-billion to “allow” the pipeline expansion to be built. The province has no jurisdiction, pipelines being a federal matter, but the province could threaten enough obstructive behaviour that the company could see that peace with the province might be worth a hefty price tag. This is nothing but Third World corruption carried out at the expense of Canadian resources, a corruption only made possible by the arbitrary fact of Alberta’s landlocked geography and Ottawa’s complaisance.

Now BC has doubled down on transit province bounty-seeking, this time targeting thermal coal. The province has threatened a thermal coal export tax, ostensibly to punish the Americans for their softwood lumber machinations, but the result will be to sideswipe Alberta, which might lose as much as $300-million in sales of such coal now going through the west coast. Saskatchewan hasn’t been targeted yet, but they understand all too well that they are no less landlocked, and therefore vulnerable, than Alberta.

Assuming recounts and other factors don’t change the BC election result, the situation will only worsen. With the Green Party, unalterably opposed to Kinder-Morgan, holding the balance of power count on all the parties to vie to outdo each other in environmental virtue and the chauvinistic promotion of BC interests, as if they can be separated from the national interest of all Canadians. Kinder-Morgan is sure to be a flashpoint. This behaviour is a dagger aimed at the beating heart of federalism.

As for the much vaunted new free trade agreement between the provinces, it is silent on this issue, proving yet again what a paper tiger it is. Meanwhile Ottawa, created in 1867 in part to be the guarantor of the integrity of Canadians’ freedom to trade, looks on benignly.

Who speaks for Canada? Answer came there none.

Brian Lee Crowley (twitter.com/brianleecrowley) is the Managing Director of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, an independent non-partisan public policy think tank in Ottawa: www.macdonaldlaurier.ca.

 

 

 

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Big cities an antidote to poverty, except in Africa

Cities everywhere are perhaps the moist important drivers of prosperity, pulling millions out of poverty and putting them on the ladder of economic success. As I argued in my 28th April column for the Globe and Mail’s Report on Business, however, Africa remains something of an exception. It’s cities do not generate the same kind of economic progress that others do elsewhere, including in Asia and Latin America. Why not? My answer? You can read it yourself in the unedited column text below or you can read it online:

 

According to Harvard’s Edward Glaeser, “Cities are the best path we know out of poverty.” This is echoed by prominent economist Paul Romer who has made the richly documented case that humanity’s urbanisation over the last 10,000 years has been the main driver of human progress. He argues that the present century is the one where the urbanisation trend finally reaches into every corner of the globe, and the world’s population will stabilise at 10-11 billion people, with 70-80 percent of them living in cities.

But alas it is not sufficient to shepherd people in to growing urban areas for them to participate in the economic benefits of urbanisation. I was put in mind of this the other day when I read a piece by a journalist detailing the challenges he faced flying out of Kinshasa, the capital of Congo. Kinshasa is a city of some 12 million people and the third largest in Africa, so its challenges are emblematic of the obstacles to cities bringing widespread prosperity to that continent.

When I lived in Kinshasa over 30 years ago, hardly anyone flew out of the local airport. When I left I took the African Queen-like ferry across the Congo River to Brazzaville whence you could connect to French international flight networks.

Apparently it is slightly better now in Kin, as the locals call the city. Now there are 11 international flights a day. Still a paltry number for any self-respecting city of 12 million residents, for one of the ways cities create wealth for their inhabitants is through dense networks of connections with other cities. There are 1400 flights a day through Heathrow and 1100 through Pearson.

And it is not just airline schedules.

When I lived in Kinshasa almost no one had a telephone. Copper wire was so valuable that even if you could get a phone connection installed (in itself a minor miracle) the chances were that scavenging gangs would quickly rip out the connection. Making an international call was a hilarious undertaking. Since the country never paid its bills to the national telecom companies in other countries, international operators would never accept calls from Congo. You had to go down to the main telephone exchange  and bribe an operator to start calling every country in the world until they came across an operator that hadn’t got the memo that calls from Congo were verboten. Mobile telephony has surely improved things, but not nearly enough.

These tiny examples illuminate the larger principle about much African urbanisation, namely that unlike, say, China or Korea or even much of Latin America,  Africa is urbanising without globalising; Africans are getting only a tiny part of the benefit that growing cities might confer on them.

Fixing this will perhaps be the single most important thing that could be done to help pull Africa out of poverty and connect it with global opportunities. But that means focusing on the right problems and the right solutions.

The biggest obstacle African cities face to realising their full potential is the weakness of the institutions on which they are based. Yes, people come to cities because there are more jobs, higher levels of specialisation and therefore higher wages, educational opportunities, infrastructure and other advantages. But mostly they come because successful cities have rules of behaviour that protect the investment that companies and individuals make to improve their business and their lives.

If organised gangs can take what you have worked so hard to create, why invest in your education or your business? If the government can bulldoze your little shanty on a whim or ownership isn’t even available because slumlords backed by violence control vast slums, how can you build a stable life? If water, sewer and electricity hookups are a luxury available only to elites, how can you avoid epidemics or connect to the Internet?

What makes cities in the West such magnets for people from all over the world is that property rights are clearly defined and enforced, when your safety and security is threatened you can call the police and they will come and they won’t extort you, if you sign a contract it will be enforced pretty even-handedly on the parties. We have created the certainty needed for investment to be made in the provision of services such as water, sewers, electricity and data pipes, not to mention education, transport and health care.

Lagos, Kinshasa, Nairobi and other emerging African megacities show that the continent is getting the easy part right, with urban dwellers doubling every 20 years. But services and institutions are falling behind.  Institution-building will determine whether those cities can realise the promise of prosperity too.

Brian Lee Crowley (twitter.com/brianleecrowley) is the Managing Director of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, an independent non-partisan public policy think tank in Ottawa: www.macdonaldlaurier.ca.

 

 

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Provincial “free trade” is anything but

In my 14th April column for the Globe’s ROB I lovingly debunk the notion put about by Ottawa and the provinces that the latter have somehow torn down the barriers to trade within Canada that they themselves have created. The unedited text I sent to the Globe read as follows:

2017 is a big year for Canada. The country was founded 150 years ago in an act of supreme statesmanship. It is the 100th anniversary of the battle of Vimy Ridge, where we came of age in a sustained act of courage, heroism and determination. Governments in Canada are now claiming that their recently announced Canada Free Trade Agreement (CFTA) deserves to keep such exalted company and will come into force on July 1st, Canada’s 150th birthday.

 

Does the CFTA deserve such hoopla? On the contrary. While it represents some modest incremental progress on creating a national market open to all Canadians on equal terms, this progress has much to be modest about. Moreover the sordid backroom horse-trading that gave rise to it, in which rent-seeking interests allied to various governments saw many of their unfair advantages maintained, was the very opposite of what the founders of Canada thought they were conferring on their posterity.

 

Yes, it’s very nice that every field of economic activity is now covered by CFTA, as opposed to the old dispensation where only those fields specifically included were covered. But the price the provinces exacted for this was well over 100 pages of exemptions and exceptions to the principle of free trade within Canada.

 

The really tough areas, such as liquor, financial services and regulatory harmonisation?  Well they have promised to study those some more. Don’t try and sell milk or eggs or any other “supply-managed” product across provincial boundaries. The barriers that forced Newfoundland and Labrador to sell their electricity to Quebec at a fraction of its value remain and nowhere I can find do the premiers promise to give up their latest fad: claiming the right to veto pipelines that cross their territory. Alberta is already considering creating a Crown corporation to handle government construction projects to escape the opening of government procurement they just agreed to.

 

Finally, on actually enforcing the rules of free trade our political leaders raised the monetary penalties for non-compliance. Again, very nice. But they’re hoping you won’t notice they have essentially maintained their Rube Goldberg mechanism in which the complaints of businesses and individuals about unfair actions or practices will be the subject of endless intergovernmental consultations and panels whose decisions will come long after the original business opportunity has died from neglect, starvation and exposure. God help you if you want to get the courts to intervene to make governments follow their own rules, because the governments have made it clear they don’t want those bolshie judges sticking their nose in the provinces’ business.

 

It didn’t have to be this way.

 

The very purpose of Confederation, we often forget, was in large part about freeing Canadians to carry on their profession or business across provincial boundaries. As George Brown famously described the vision its authors had of Confederation: “the proposal now before us is to throw down all barriers between the provinces — to make a citizen of one, citizen of the whole.” Such freedom was explicitly to be a matter of shared national citizenship.

 

Responsibility for achieving Brown’s vision was granted to the national government in a broader federalist arrangement. The essence of federalism is, after all, the creation of a unified national economic space while buttressing local identities, be they linguistic, cultural, ethnic or religious.

 

 

Matters of nation-building or common interest – such as the functioning of the national economy – were thus to be entrusted to the newly-created national government rather than provincial or parochial interests.  That’s why it got jurisdiction over peace, order and good government, trade and commerce and national infrastructure. That’s why there is a national open market clause (Section 121).

 

But that’s not what happened with the CFTA. There the federal government continued the appalling tradition of its predecessors in neutering federal power in order to appease the provinces and territories. The result is not only another bad deal for Canadian businesses, workers, and consumers, it’s a disavowal of Confederation itself.

 

The founders gave Ottawa responsibility for the national economy because they expected provincial governments to speak for provincial interests. That’s precisely what happened. Someone needed to speak for Canada.  Instead the silence was deafening.

 

The sheer number of CFTA exceptions is a by-product of how ill-suited the provinces and territories are to protect and strengthen the economic union. Provincial and territorial ministers naturally care more about the interests of Ontario wineries, Quebec funeral directors, Nova Scotia fur harvesters and PEI architects than about the national interest.

 

The CFTA is not evidence, as its authors claimed, that “Canada works.” On the contrary, it is eloquent evidence of Ottawa’s unwillingness to face down the provinces when the national interest requires it. Ottawa exists for a reason; that reason is not, as one former prime minister tartly observed, to be headwaiter to the provinces.

Brian Lee Crowley (twitter.com/brianleecrowley) is the Managing Director of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, an independent non-partisan public policy think tank in Ottawa: www.macdonaldlaurier.ca.

 

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The conflict between elites and ordinary people that brought us Trump and Brexit has Canada in its sights

There is no wall protecting Canada from the populist tidal wave that washed Donald Trump to the presidency in the United States, as I argue in a new Macdonald-Laurier Institute commentary based on a talk I gave in Vancouver to the local chapter of NAIOP.

The phenomena that delivered a stunning election result in the United States and a surprise vote to leave the European Union in Britain are – despite what some observers think – also happening here in Canada. I single out three areas where this conflict is already coming into the open: labour markets, immigration and housing prices.

The Brexit vote last June and the recent election of a populist and anti-establishment American president are perhaps only the opening chapters of a new era of friction and even confrontation between the opinions of the Davos-inspired elites who have been in charge for decades, and those of the man and woman on the street.

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My New Year’s prediction: more frustration as government proves just as fallible in 2016 as 2015

In my end of year prognostication column I boldly state that 2016…will be rather like 2015. This is particularly true in that Ottawa will continue to try and do three impossible things before breakfast — except because it is the activist Grits in charge it will be even clearer now that the issue is the competence and capacity of the state and not an ideological conservatism that is to blame:

“The looming crisis of our democracy is the growing anger sparked by the clash between the public’s expectation that every problem can be legislated or regulated away by omnipotent government, and the reality that governments struggle  every day to do relatively simple tasks like deliver the mail, build needed infrastructure and equip our soldiers. Contrary to the expectations of many, this anger cannot be appeased by the election of an activist government. It will be exacerbated until the public’s exaggerated expectations can be brought into line with government’s actual abilities.”

The piece, originally published in the Ottawa Citizen, clearly struck a nerve. It caused quite a stir in the Twittershphere and was republished by the National Post.

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Breaking the natural resource revenue boom-bust cycle in provincial finances

As the world price of oil has fallen by almost $100/barrel in the last year or so, provincial finances in places like Alberta, Saskatchewan and Newfoundland and Labrador have been savaged. But it is all so unnecessary if only these provinces and others dependent on non-renewable natural resource revenue would be guided by Jim Dinning’s insight that such revenues are “non-reliable”. and are known to be so by anyone even slightly conversant with the history on NR prices and the nature of government spending. In my late December column for the Globe’s Economy Lab feature, I lay out the case for such provinces to discipline themselves by assuming throughout the commodity cycle that the lowest price in the cycle will prevail. The money set aside during high prices can then smooth out the ups and downs. Don’t spend it if you haven’t got it, people, especially when provincial spending is notoriously inflexible, unlike these revenues!

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Sean Speer and I team up on health care in the Sun papers

Sean Speer and I continued our efforts to get the new federal government to think clearly about health care reform with an op-ed in the Sun newspapers. Based on our piece for the From a Mandate for Change to a Plan to Govern series at MLI, Sean and I lay out the case for thinking that Canada’s poorly performing system is badly in need of reform and that there is little evidence that the problem is that perennial canard, “underfunding”. On the contrary, Ottawa must stop offering itself up as the “solution” to our health care problems and to raise its expectations that the provinces will deliver real value for the money they’re already getting.

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Brian Lee Crowley